"She’s representing Iceland in Miss Universe 2018, but it turns out the stunning Katrin Lea Elenudottir comes from Russia’s Siberia. The fair-skinned, blue-eyed beauty emigrated at young age but retains a fondness for her roots.

The titleholder of ‘Miss Universe 2018 – Iceland’ is due to compete against 94 of the world’s most striking beauties on December 17. But while she’ll be representing Reykjavik in contest for the international crown, she was in fact born in the Siberian city of Omsk.

Katrin lived in Siberia until the age of nine when her mother met a man of Icelandic origin and moved to the Nordic country. Both Katrin and her mother gained Icelandic citizenship, but Russia remains near and dear to their hearts as they often return to visit family and friends."

​All statements in this report are an opinion of the author. Act at your own risk. Russia & America Goodwill Association (RAGA) is not responsible for the content of the article. Any views or opinions presented in this report are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RAGA. Any liability in respect to this communication remain with the author.

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​Although lately Western scholars have begun to pay attention to various manifestations of the rise of ethnic Russian nationalism as distinct from official "Soviet patriotism" [1] they have virtually ignored the phenomenon of Il'ia Glazunov, a Soviet painter who is also a foremost protagonist of that nationalism. [2] The chief reason for this lack of scholarly interest lies in the fact that not only has Glazunov been a controversial figure but he was also accused of Russian chauvinism, anti-Semitism, and of being a KGB agent.[3] As a result, a sort of taboo has been raised around his name. Convinced that this taboo prevents us from a better understanding of what is going on in the USSR, I intend to break it by presenting below my analysis of a unique Soviet source, namely, the two books of uncensored comments offered by Soviet visitors at Glazunov's art exhibits which took place in Moscow and Leningrad in 1978 and 1979 respectively. In defiance of the authorities, the two books of comments had been photo stated and leaked into samizdat circulation before they reached the West where they were published as a tamizdat publication under the title, Khudozhnik i Rossia.[4]

* This paper was first presented (in Russian) at the national convention of the American Association of Teachers of Slavic and East European Languages on December 30, 1982, in Chicago.

1 See, for instance, Edward Allworth, ed., Ethnic Russia in the USSR: the Dilemma of
Dominance (New York: Pergamon, 1980); John Dunlop, The New Russian Revolutionaries
(Boston: Nordland, 1976), and The Faces of Contemporary Russian Nationalism (Princeton,
Princeton University Press, 1983); Alexander Yanov, The Russian New Right (Berkeley:
Institute of International Studies, 1978); Albert Boiter, "Conflicting Views of Russian
Nationatism," Slavic Studies, (Japan) No. 29, 1982, pp.123-133.

2 Allworth's Ethnic Russia has only one passing reference to him. John E. Bowlt dismissed
him as "A Reliable Soviet Citizen" (the title of his article) in Art News, October 1977, pp.
109-110; and S. Frederick Starr responded to the cancellation of Glazunov's 1977 show with
an article, "Soviet Painter Poses a Question" (Smithsonian, 8, pp. 101-104, December 1977)
in which he declared him a neo-Stalinist but allowed that he is also "as much mystery as his
painting." However, as early as 1972, Abraham Rothberg recognized Glazunov as an
"exceptional" phenomenon in Soviet art and put his name next to Solzhenitsyn, Pasternak, and
the sculptor Ernst Neizvestny in his book, The Heirs of Stalin: Dissidence and the Soviet
Regime, 1953-1970 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1972), p.366.

3 See, for instance, John Barron, KGB: the Secret Work of Soviet Secret Agents (New York:
Bantam, 1974), p. 145; and Frederick C. Barghoorn, "Four Faces of Soviet Russian
Ethnocentrism," in Ethnic Russia, p. 6l.
​
4 Khudozhnik i Rossiia, published by "Grad Kitezh," Gesellschaft fur Forderung russischer
Kunst. D-4000 Dusseldorf, West Germany, 1980 (henceforth will be referred to, in the text,
as Kitezh).

The main focus of my analysis will be on Glazunov's art as a social (that is, cultural, ideological, and political), rather than an artistic phenomenon; hence, special attention will be paid to the impact of his art on the Soviet public in the context of the rise of ethnic Russian self-awareness. I intend to steer clear of offering a judgment on Glazunov from either the aesthetic or ethical viewpoint, and do neither expect to make him a less controversial figure, nor to clear him of all charges.

Il'ia Sergeyevich Glazunov was born into the family of a historian in 1930 in Leningrad. During the siege of Leningrad by the Germans, the eleven year-old boy witnessed how most of his relatives, including his father, died of starvation. He himself barely survived thanks to being evacuated to a village in the Novgorod oblast' where he first came in contact with traditional Russian peasant culture. He studied at the prestigious Repin Art Institute in Leningrad. Ironically, his first recognition came from abroad in 1956 when he was awarded a Grand Prix at an international show in Prague. In a response to this award, he was honored with his first personal exhibit in Moscow in February 1957. Since then he has been an enfant terrible of Soviet art.
​
Dominated by a starkly realistic portrayal of the starvation in besieged Leningrad, his first exhibit immediately came under attack from the stalwarts of socialist realism who accused him of a lack of patriotism, heroism, and party spirit. In a letter published in Vecherniaia Moskva (Moscow Evening News), party hacks of the Union of Soviet Artists dubbed his art "dubious spiritual food," incompatible with the "ideational-aesthetic" requirements of the party. They also denounced him for infusing his Russian themes "with mystical and even churchly adumbration." [5] Glazunov's own teacher at the Institute, Academician B. Ioganson, joined the chorus of his detractors. As a result, he barely managed to graduate from the Institute, and upon graduation was sent to teach at a provincial high school.

Had it happened under Stalin, the young artist would have been doomed to obscurity, or worse. However, in the atmosphere of the post-Stalin thaw, Glazunov was able to bounce back as his non-conformism has attracted the attention of the restless young generation.[6] Moreover, he was defended in the Soviet press by a number of art critics, and even by the high-ranking official writer Nikolai Tikhonov. During the 1960s, his art evolved along the themes of Russian national heritage.

Still, although Glazunov was allowed to hold personal exhibits abroad (in Poland, 1960 ; Italy, 1963) in order to promote a "liberal" image of the post-Stalin regime, his second personal exhibit in Moscow in 1964 again came under attack of the official critics, and was closed after only three days. Only in 1967 did the party bureaucrats decide that they had him broken, and he was made a member of the Union of Soviet Artists.

5 Ibid., p. 6.
6 I personally met Glazunov on the premises of a Moscow University dormitory on the Lenin
Hills around 1958. Accompanied by his wife, Nina, and Evgenii Evtushenko, he was
desperately trying to show some of his pictures in students' private rooms. Together with a
number of other dissidents, I helped him move pictures from one room to another. Although
all of us felt the excitement of conspiring against the authorities with the "forbidden" artist,
the acquaintance remained, on my part, a chance encounter.
​

For Soviet ​propaganda purposes, he was frequently sent abroad (Vietnam, 1966; Laos, 1967; France, 1968; Chile, 1973, etc.) and gradually established himself as a "court painter" for both Soviet and foreign dignitaries (Leonid Brezhnev, Urho Kekkonen of Finland, Otto Jens Krag of Denmark, King Carl Gustav of Sweden, Indira Gandhi, Salvatore Allende, etc.). For himself, he continued to portray scenes and characters from Russian history and to illustrate the works of the classics of Russian literature, especially those of his favorite author, Dostoevskii. [7]
​
If the party bureaucrats had thought that they had him broken, they were bitterly disappointed when in June 1977 he defied them by cancelling his largest-ever personal show, planned to be held in the Central Exhibition Hall (Manege) in Moscow. Glazunov cancelled the show because his sponsors refused to display a number of his works which he considered indispensable, including his opus magnum, the huge, 10 by 20 foot canvas, "The Mystery of the 20th Century."

1. The Three Most Controversial Pictures

In "The Mystery," which he has called "a work of philosophical realism," Glazunov apparently aims at portraying a spiritual dilemma of our age by juxtaposing such major political and cultural figures as Lenin, Trotsky, Winston Churchill, Franklin Roosevelt, John Kennedy, Albert Einstein, and Pablo Picasso with the more sinister figures of Hitler, Mussolini, Mao, and Stalin. Stalin seems to dominate this century by occupying center stage. Significantly, Stalin is portrayed as lying in state on a bier floating in a sea of blood. Even more indicative of Glazunov's philosophical trust is a sympathetic portrayal of Tzar Nicholas II and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. The Tzar is portrayed as holding in his arms the murdered crown prince, Aleksei, with a Russian church tumbling in the background. The innocence of the martyred prince is emphasized by a halo. Such was the beginning of the bloody bacchanalia of the 20th century, the artist seems to be saying. Solzhenitsyn, with a zek number on his chest, is placed at the right flank of the picture, whereas, at the left, Glazunov places his own self-portrait. Thus, the affinity between the two, in their roles of principal witnesses of the age, is suggested. The only bright spot in the picture is the white-clad figure of the Savior which hovers over it all.

In spite of the obvious "anti-Soviet"[8] implications of "The Mystery," to everybody's surprise, Glazunov not only eluded punishment but was allowed to hold the exhibit a year later.

​7 See Glazunov, Pisate/' i khudozhnik: proizvedeniia russkoi klassicheskoi literatury v
illiustratsiiakh Il'i Glazunova (Moscow: Izobrazitel'noe Iskusstvo, 1979). Introduced by
Vladimir Soloukhin, this is the last book on Glazunov that was published in the USSR after
the Moscow Exhibit. Previous publications, all in small editions, include the following
collections: 1. Iazykova, Il'ia Glazunov (Moscow: Izobrazitel'noe Iskusstvo, 1973); Vasilii
Zakharchenko, Il'ia Glazunov: Fotoal'bom (Moscow: Planeta, 1978).
8 The term "anti-Soviet" is used in this article not in a strictly juridical sense but as a label
which Soviet propaganda often uses in order to censure certain ideological, ethical, and
aesthetic attitudes even when these do not necessarily challenge Soviet political system or
violate Soviet laws.
​

When the exhibit was opened on June 3, 1978, "The Mystery" was not there, but nonetheless, Glazunov managed to show two other highly controversial pictures, "The Return" and "To Your Health!"

The theme of "The Return" is the story of the prodigal son. It depicts a young man, clad only in jeans, kneeling before a Christlike figure with features of a Russian peasant. Behind the "son'''s back, and in the foreground of the picture is a macabre scene of rural desolation, misery, sacrilege, debauchery, crime, barbed-wire, and death symbolized by a table on which a severed head is served on a plate. The scene seems to be presided over by the devilish grin of a half-concealed figure in which one may recognize Lenin. Behind the "father," and receding into the upperleft background, there are easily recognizable figures of Russia's past, including Sergei of Radonezh, the foremost Russian saint, the saintly prince Aleksandr Nevskii, Suvorov, Dostoevskii, Pushkin, Lomonosov, Chaikovskii, Peter I, a Russian beauty, and several others. The symbolism of the picture is clear: the salvation of today's "prodigal" Soviet Russia is in the return to her historical, cultural, and spiritual roots buried in the past. The only other exit from the dead-end of Soviet life seems to be suggested at the bottom where another young man seems to be escaping from under barbed-wire into a trough over which three huge, fat, obnoxious swine are standing. The swine are shown as if they were coming from a modern metropolis, symbolized by a sky-scraper. This may suggest that the "son" has rejected not only the misery of Soviet existence but also the m'aterialist alternative to it, be it at home or abroad, Just as ominous and unappealing is the upper right corner of the picture where a black sky is pierced by a sort of missile or space craft soaring under a bright red sail.

In "To Your Health!" Glazunov portrays a typical Russian muzhik who could be a kolkhoznik or a factory worker. Shabbily dressed in a padded laborer's jacket decorated with a medal which shows that he is a veteran of World War IT, he sits in front of a collage of Soviet propaganda posters and appears to be ready to down a glass of vodka. The only zakuska he has is a loaf of bread and a cucumber lying on a newspaper whose headline reads, "Today in the World." He has led a hard and far from prosperous life but his indomitable spirit is evinced in his mischievous and ironic smile. The main effect of the picture is produced by the sharp contrast between the reality of the muzhik and the boastfulness of the posters. The latter include the Marx-and-Lenin tandem, appealing for unity of the communist movement; an African calling for liberty and equality; a Vietnamese soldier proclaiming communist victory; a triumphant Soviet cosmonaut; two happy Soviet workers congratulating each other because a tractor is now doing their heavy manual work; and the hammer-and-sickle emblem of the USSR, proclaiming pride of Soviet citizenship, with a superimposed Soviet passport refracted in the glass of vodka. The suggested message is crystal clear: whatever achievements Soviet propaganda can boast of, they are paid for by the Russian muzhik, the veritable Soviet work-horse in war and peace.[9] It is a Soviet variant of the old Russian saying about serfdom: "While one works with a plough, seven are waiting with a spoon (Odin s soshkoi, semero s lozhkoi)." The picture raises the question whether the Soviet government cares for his health.

9 Since one of the posters proclaims, "I am a citizen of the Soviet Union," the Russian muzhik
may be understood as an everyman, that is the exploited working person of any nationality of
the USSR.

The above three paintings indicate Glazunov's preponderant ideological thrust, characteristic of his art. It is quiet obvious that his art is not only contrary to the dogmas of socialist realism but has strong, thinly veiled, "anti-Soviet" implications. In any event, it is a far cry from anything the Soviet government has ever tolerated, much less allowed to be shown in public. Why such an exception for Glazunov? One plausible explanation is that Glazunov's popularity at home and reputation abroad are such that the government simply could not afford another scandal of forcing an established artist into open dissidence. Another possible explanation is that Glazunov may have enjoyed the support and protection at the highest levels of the KGB, Army, and Party apparatus. The third explanation (which dose not exclude the other two) is that the government decided to use his exhibits as a sort of opinion poll in order to gauge the strength of Russian nationalism as a cohesive bond for the regime, in the event they might need to repair or replace entirely the official internationalist ideology.

In any case, the Moscow exhibit cannot be explained away as a mere slip on the part of the ideological watchdogs. For one thing, it was shown for a full month as announced. Moreover, fifteen months later, it was followed by an identical exhibit in Leningrad which was also shown for a month, from September 28 through October 27, 1979. The latter was held in spite of the efforts of the Cultural Department of the Leningrad party organization, headed by G. Pakhomova, to have it cancelled or, at least, shown without the most controversial pictures. Only after Glazunov again threatened to cancel the exhibit, was the local party organization overruled by someone higher-up, and the exhibit shown in full. [10]

2. The Two Books of Comments

In the West, both exhibits created sensations, not only because they were allowed to take place at all, but also because they attracted the largest crowds ever in the history of Soviet art. Whereas the Moscow exhibit had some 600,000 visitors, the Leningrad exhibit was seen by nearly a million people.[11] On both occasions, visitors were allowed to write down their opinions in special comment books (knigi otzyvov) as is customary in Soviet exhibition halls. Thanks to the Kitezh publication, the contents of these two comment books are now available in the West. Needless to say that in the absence of public opinion polls, these books are unique documents which offer Western scholars a rare opportunity to peep into the minds of Soviet people, a largely terra incognita for outsiders.

There are about 1,465 entries in the Moscow book and 622 in the Leningrad book. Together, they represent well over two thousand comments which are perhaps the largest statistical body of opinion on Soviet art available in the West. It should be kept in mind, however, that the source does not easily lend itself to statistical analysis for which it was not specifically intended. For one thing, the majority of entries are anonymous. By spot-checking, I estimate that about 57 percent of all entries in the Moscow book are anonymous, and the corresponding figure for Leningrad approaches two-thirds.

​10 Khudozhnik, p.153.
11 Ibid., p. 15. These figures are especially significant because, according to the Kitezh
publishers, the exhibit commemorating the 60th anniversary of the Soviet Union attracted
only 50,000 people in three months.

Although the majority of the signed entries are signed by a single person, there are many entries signed by a group of people, or else refer to some unnamed "friends" and "colleagues" who are said to share the same opinion. No attempt was made to quantify entries according to sex, age, profession, or by counting the number of signatures. Nonetheless, if we consider each entry as an act of civil expression, the totality of comments is certainly reflective of a general trend of public opinion.

A most striking feature of both books is the spontaneity, directness, and passion of expression. It is as if the volcano of public opinion, dormant for over sixty years of Soviet power, had suddenly erupted and the people who had been mute for too long suddenly acquired the gift of speech. Although the overwhelming majority of comments are positive, there is not a trace of that obligatory unanimity which has been a hallmark of Soviet propaganda. Leaving no one indifferent, the exhibits introduced a degree of polarization which is highly uncharacteristic of Soviet society. The comments themselves are widely divergent in size, form, content and tone. They range form one-word remarks, such as "Great," "Thanks," and" Agree," to lengthy essays and even poems about the virtues, or faults, of Glazunov and his works. Their language is remarkably free from the usual cant of Soviet propaganda.

Having divided all entries into three categorise, "Postive," "Negative," and "Others,"[12] I have obtained the following results :

That the majority of comments were "Positive" is hardly surprising, but the margin of difference is. In Moscow, eight out of every ten visitors liked Glazunov, and in Leningrad more than two-thirds did. In both cities, only two out of ten visitors disliked Glazunov's art.

3. Why Did Some Dislike Glazunov?

As far as motivation [13] for positive and negative comments is concerned, I was able toquantify only the latter category. The results are as follows:

12 Since some entries include both positive and negative remarks, the main criterion for their
classification was the prevalent tone. Admittedly, this is a rather subjective criterion, but
the unusual degree of polarization of opinion reduced the number of undecided entries to a
minimum. As to the "Other" category, it consists mostly of entries in which the focus of
concern is on organizational matters. Most frequently, the authorities are criticized for the
failure to advertise the exhibit and otherwise popularize Glazunov's art.
13 In unclear cases, the motivation was decided according to the prevalent argument.

As we can see, the majority of all negative comments, 232 (54.6%) out of 425, were aesthetically motivated; nearly a third (32.2%) was dominated by various ideological considerations, while 56 raised objections to Glazunov on ethical grounds.

Let me now illustrate each category. An example of the "Ideological" motivation can be seen in a lengthy entry signed, "Kasatkin, K. B., military." Kasatkin scorns Glazunov for failing to "notice" that "the teachings of Marx-Lenin (sic!) have been triumphant in our country for sixty years." Reproaching Glazunov for his preoccupation with the theme of Russian past and his failure to glorify the Soviet army, he argues that "the Great Patriotic War and many other things are incomparably dearer to us visi tors than the old Russia relegated to the past." He also reproaches the artist for his "neutrality" in the "intense battle which goes on in the modern world, the battle of two systems." Paraphrasing Gorky, Kasatkin asks a pointed question: "With whom are you, painter Glazunov?" He ends up with a threat reminiscent of the Stalin era: "Not only your future but also the fate of your past work depend on how you answer this question."[14] Another visitor does not object to Glazunov's Russian theme but reproaches him for the "sadness and pessimism" with which he treats "our days" ; and then indulges in wishful thinking, "if you could imbue your talent with a deep party spirit, the result would be excellent !"[15] An anonymous Moscovite wishes Glazunov "to love our Soviet power. This is very much lacking in his portrayal of today's life. Our days and life are brighter than he depicts.,,16 Kislova, a woman from Leningrad who says she is writing "in the name of the Kirov factory workers" is "upset and shaken by Glazunov's attitude to the Soviet system, and people." She berates him for seeing "nothing bright and beautiful (in Soviet life)" and for preaching a "return" to the past. She calls it "blasphemy" that he dared to show a Soviet passport refracted in a vodka glass [17]

Although the above examples are typical of the 137 (6.6 percent of 2087) negative comments which are dominated by ideological viewpoints close to the official, they are just about the only ones that rely on such cliches of Soviet propaganda as "the teachings of Marx-Lenin," "party spirit," and "Soviet system." Apparently, such cliches are considered so trite that even the most dogmatic of Glazunov's detractors avoid using them lest they undermine their own arguments.

As far as the negative comments with an ethical motivation are concerned, I counted 57 of them. None specifically intimates Glazunov's alleged KGB-connection but many vaguely allude to some kind of deal with Soviet authorities.

14 Khudozhnik, pp.79-80.
15 Ibid., p.133.
16 Ibid., p. 138.
17 Ibid., p. 191.

An anonymous Moscovite writes, "One cannot be a people's leader and a prophet, if one had eaten well from the masters' table."[18] Another anonymous visitor, a student of the Mukhina Institute of Industrial Arts in Leningrad, makes it clear that he is "not against a return to the past and religion" but nonetheless asks," ... how could they allow your exhibit to take place? How did you manage it ?" [19] Yet another visitor points out the similarity of Glazunov's moral dilemma with that of Evgenii Evtushenko. [20] In some instances, visitors condemn Glazunov for his moral compromise but seem ready to forgive him because his art works wonders. As one such visitor put it poetically,

The majority of the negative comments, 232 (54.6 percent) out of 425, appear to be aesthetically motivated. Often authored by Glazunov's professional colleagues and other people in the art world, they are as vituperative as the positive ones are enthusiastic. The most frequent epithets are: "charlatan," "banality," "cheap imitation," "mass-culture," "profanation," "self-promotion," "weakness in composition," and "lack of professionalis-m. "Only rarely is Glazunov accused of not following the precepts of "Soviet art" or "socialist realism." An entry, signed "The graduate students of Moscow University," enjoins Glazunov to overcome various artistic "deviations" in order to promote "socialist realism." [22] An anonymous visitor accuses Glazunov of pushing "banality" (poshlost') in the guise of "pseudopatriotism." "Nothing more abhorrent has ever happened in Soviet art," says he. [23] Since this visitor is one of the very few who resorts to the phrase "Soviet art," one may suspect that his main objection to Glazunov is ideologically motivated and he simply uses an aesthetic argument to disguise his pro-Soviet bias. [24]

4. Why Do So Many Love Glazunov?

As stated earlier, the great majority of all comments, 1,602 (76.7 percent) out of 2,087, are positive. Although I was unable to break them down according to preponderant motivations, it is obvious that the overwhelming majority of them are inspired by Glazunov's Russian theme which can be defined as a longing for a return to Russia's historical, cultural and religious heritage.

18 Ibid., p. 88.
19 Ibid., p. 166.
20 Ibid., p. 82.
21 Ibid., p. 157.
22 Ibid., p. 98.
23 Ibid., p. 174.
24 It is noteworthy that whereas in Moscow only 49.4 percent of all negative comments are
aesthetically motivated, their share in Leningrad is 61.9 percent. The respective figures for
ideologically motivated comments are 38.6 percent and 23.3 percent. This marked increase
of the share of aesthetic comments at the expense of ideological ones may suggest a greater
artistic inclination of people from Leningrad. It may also suggest that Glazunov's
detractors, for whatever reason, after being routed in Moscow, got better organized to mount
an attack on him in Leningrad and chose aesthetic arguments as the most effective.

Not only are these comments most numerous but they are also most intensely enthusiastic and even ecstatic. Reading them is like being swept away by an avalanche of feeling or a torrent of passion. They come down on one wi th such a force that one realizes that they must have been pent up for quite a while only to find an unexpected release. In many entries, enthusiasm turns into rhapsody; in fact, about 28 visitors were somoved that they wrote their comments in poetry.  In addition, there are dozens of entries in which quotations from the Russian classics are used to underscore one point or another. Many others were moved to use the forms of expressions that are more characteristic of old Russia than modern life. Thus, to express gratitude, they do not simply say "Thank you" (Spasibo) but "We bow low before you" (Nizko tebe klaniaemsia). These entries abound with such epithets as "genius," "magician" (mag), "sorcerer" (charodei), "Russian knight" (bogatyf), Il'ia Muromets, and Elijah the Prophet. Among other typical comments that echo the Russian theme are: "Bard of the Russian soul" ; "Russian in every things" ; "Thank you for restoring our national self-awareness" ; "For the first time I felt proud to be a Russian" ; "In everything one can read the Russian truth (russkaia pravda)." But, if we were to choose the one description that best sums up the Russian theme, it must be the lead line of many a Russian fairy-tale, "Here is the Russian spirit, here one senses the true Rus'."

Although most comments refer to the exhibit as a whole, quite a few are focused on sundry variations of the Russian theme (there are "thank you" notes for the portrayal of the "Russian woman," "Russian muzhik," and even "Russian eyes") or praise individual works, most notably "The Return" and "To your Health." The pivotal role of these two pictures is frequently emphasized, as in this comment by V. lanushin:

... Il'ia Glazunov is a genuine Russian artist, a true patriot of his long-suffering Motherland. One could be proud of his work even if h~ had created nothing but "To Your Health," and "The Return," in which his attitude to both the past and the present of our Motherland and to the Russian people is clearly expressed.[25]

Another visitor writes that, thanks to the two pictures, Glazunov "has earned immortality." [26] "The Return" is an apotheosis of our life," says yet another.[27] A comment signed "A Russian woman" says that in "To Your Health!" Glazunov "revealed the Russian soul. How mighty is the Russian man who holds on his shoulders almost the whole globe."[28] As can be expected in an art show, the Russian theme is intimately intertwined with the theme of Russian art. In fact, the exhibit is often seen as a "celebration (prazdnik) of Russian culture," and Glazunov is compared with such giants of the Russian history genre as Vasnetsov, Surikov and Repin. Among the more modern painters, he is sometimes compared with Mikhail Vrubel', Mikhail Nesterov, Boris Musatov, Boris Kustod'ev, Pavel Kuznetsov and Nikolai Rerikh. But most frequently, Glazunov is compared with the medieval icon painter Andrei Rublev. The implicit meaning of that comparison is that what Rublev did for the liberation of the Russian spirit from the Tatar yoke, Glazunov is doing for the restoration of Russian culture from under the yoke of "foreign" Marxist ideology.

​25 Ibid., pp. 53-54.
26 Ibid., p. 26.
27 Ibid., p. 39.
28 Ibid., p.51.

Similarly, many visitors compare him with Dostoevskii. One, perhaps on account of Glazunov's use of the Biblical parable in "The Return," sees him as "a psychologist comparable in stature with Dostoevskii." [29] Another, referring to the cathartic impact of his art, paraphrases Dostoevskii (and, one might add, Solzhenitsyn) by saying that "Art will save the world." [30] There are also some who allude to Glazunov's affinity with Soviet ruralist writers (derevenshchiki), most notably the late Vasilii Shukshin, "because in the art of both, there are the same roots." [31]

As the majority of utterances about Glazunov's art are chiefly inspired by his themes rather than technique, one visitor attempts to explain it philosophically: "since in any creative work (art, science, literature) unexpectedness is the main thing, the success of this exhibit is understandable and deserved. Whenever there is an elan vital (tvorcheskii moment), the technique recedes into the background." [32] This visitor is no other than Lev Nikolaevich Gumilev, the son of the acmeist poets, Anna Akmatova and Nikolai Gumilev, who was executed in 1921. Though he had been imprisoned under Stalin, Lev Gumilev managed to establish himself as a Soviet anthropologist.

Disagreeing with those critics who have denounced Glazunov for turning his back on Soviet reality, a certain Marenich argues that "our roots contain in them a promise of our greening tomorrow."

Your paintings do not lead to pessimism or a loss of faith, because they tell of the greatness of victory which has been bought at such a terrible cost; they tell of the enormity of the heroic deeds of our fathers who have preserved for us our Rus'. Your pictures inspire noble feelings, dignity, and moral earnestness which are becoming a force in our age of disbelief. Who is going to win? The invincible power of evil or we, the people?! All depends on us, and each must give his answer. You have already given your answer to us, through your work. Let everyone answer this question about your place in the 20th century art. Who are you: the great artist of the past who picked up Rublev's fallen brush, or a prophet of a new age of Renaissance ?! [33]

Although comments like the above are seemingly apolitical, their unmistakable thrust is against the official ideology based on Karl Marx's teachings about class struggle. For one thing, if they mention any struggle at all, it is a struggle against evil, not imperialist oppressors or a class enemy.

Not all who admire Glazunov's Russian theme are as optimistic as Marenich. The architect Kliucharev thinks that Glazunov came too late and therefore his art is but "a requiem" to ethnic Russia. Like many other visitors, he points out that Glazunov is "the only Russian artist who has raised the national theme." [34]

29 Ibid., p. 26.
30 Ibid., p. 62.
31 Ibid., p. 105.
32 Ibid., p.75.
33 Ibid., p. 79.
34 Ibid., p. 52.

This melancholic note is echoed by an anonymous visitor: "All this is Russia! Thank you. But we are now almost speechless (bezgolosye). And all this is very difficult, for one man !" [35] Such comments, and there are quite a few of them, seem to confirm the opinion of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn that ethnic Russians, in spite of their numerical predominance among the Soviet ruling elite, feel that they are just as oppressed and dispossessed culturally as any minority. That is why their attitude to Glazunov was perhaps best summed up in a pun on the artist's name that was made by one of the visitors: "Glazu-nov, a russkomu serdtsu mit' (New to the eye, and dear to the Russian heart).[36]

The Russian theme is most frequently complemented by, and intertwined with, the theme of spiritual and religious revival. However, even though there are numerous references to Christ and Holy Russia, they usually lack a specifically Orthodox meaning, and there are no traces of interdenominational bickering.[37] One entry symbolically signed, Vera, Nadezhda, and Liubov' (Faith, Hope, and Charity), says: "People! Love each other! Because God is with us."[38] It is followed by another entry which echoes the same theme. Levin, a medical doctor, says that seeing the exhibit, "One feels a deep faith in Christ, the Savior of our poor fatherland." He reproaches the sponsors for not showing "The Mystery" and for deliberately limiting access to the comment book, because "otherwise people would have written even more."[39] An entry signed, "A group of like-minded students," says: "Many Christian thanks. 'The Return' is a work of genius." In an oblique reference to "The Mystery," these students regret the absence of "other works" on display.[40] Another entry reads: "In the name of a group of young believers, members of Moscow's Baptist community, I thank the painter for the brilliant depiction of the redeeming essence of Christianity." The author then condemns the "baseness and horror of a world which lacks faith," as depicted in "The Return," and promises to recommend Glazunov to all believersY Judging by a laconic "Thank you from the Old Believers! You show a great and acute perception of Rus'," Glazunov's art stands above the deepest sectarian division of the Russian church.[42]

One anonymous author reproaches Glazunov for not going far enough in his allegedly messianic Russian theme. He particularly reproaches him for failure to portray among those "to whom we are to return," (a reference to the group of Russian personalities portrayed behind the father figure in "The Return") Nikolai Fedorov, a 19th-century Russian philosopher who thought that a literal resurrection of the dead should be a common task of all the living. Without Fedorov, the visitor argues, "Russia's mission, her 'idea,' would remain without content, or rather, her orthodoxy would not be really fulfilled." [43] This is just about the only reference to Russian Orthodoxy, and even then its meaning is rather unorthodox.

35 Ibid., p. 59.
36 Ibid., p. 24.
37 I have found only two entries (Ibid., pp. 73 and 120) in which the respondents welcome a return
to the "roots" but do not accept the idea of restoration of religion.
38 Ibid., p. 53.
39 Ibid., p. 78. This suggests that some people felt inhibited from expressing their pro-
Christian and pro-religious sentiments, and thus are under-represented in the comment books.
40 Ibid., p. 38.
41 Ibid., p.110.
42 Ibid., p. 77.
43 Ibid., p. 91.

Despite the intensity of Russian nationalistic sentiments provoked by the exhibits, there are few comments which seem to extoll Russia above other nations and blame foreigners for her misfortune or otherwise interpret Glazunov's art in chauvinistic and xenophobic terms. Even then, the principal target of accusation appears to be the present "alien" masters of Russia, albeit usually disguised among "other" foreigners. A certain Vladychenko writes:

​Now the Tatars, then Germans, then Frenchmen, and all kinds of other 'Swedes' have been subjugating us.... A talented Russian had to endure a lot, at times giving his life, in order to make it! Still, we are united with you, Il'ia Glazunov, not just by blood and fate, but by Faith; we believe that the Russian people would never succumb to a spiritual slavery under foreigners.... No one, who is not spiritually dead, can look at your pictures with indifference.[44]

More frequently, however, the impact of Glazunov's art seems to encourage a respect to other nationalities and humility toward one's own. As one visitor sums up his conclusion, "It is obvious that one ought to welcome the expression of national dignity and cultural grandeur of (all) peoples populating our Earth. Even more, one should welcome a Rebirth of Russian Culture, because we, the Russians, for too long have been brutally destroying everything that is native to US." [45]

Although it must be presumed that the majority of positive comments were made by ethnic Russians (or, the Eastern Slavs whose names are often indistinguishable from the Russian ones), there were also visitors of other nationalities among Glazunov's admirers. In the Moscow book alone, I counted at least thirty names which appear non-Russian. Among them, there are seven foreigners (two from Czechoslovakia and Hungary each, one from Bulgaria, one Spaniard, one in the English language), three appear to be Soviet Armenians, three suggest a Moslem origin, and the rest seem to belong either to Soviet Jews or Germans.Typical of these comments is the one written by Kabakhan Shtanchaeva, a graduate student at the Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of Science who apparently is of Moslem origin:

I would call this exhibit a hymn to spirituality and beauty. The spiritual might of his images is tremendous. The ethical intensity of his work is so strong that upon leaving the exhibit, one feels a state near catharsis.[46]

5. Does Glazunov's Art Encourage Anti-Semitism?

In view of the charges of anti-Semitism made against Glazunov, I paid special attention to those comments which could be interpreted as hostile to the Jews. In the Moscow book, I found two overtly judophobic statements. One is anonymous: "After sixty years of the kike power (zhidovskoe zasilie), finally one begins to smell Rus'! Long live the Russian state !" [47]

​44 Ibid., p. 45.
45 Ibid., p. 185.
46 Ibid., p. 43.
47 Ibid., p.41.

It is apparent that, whoever this anti-Semitic visitor is, he equates the Soviets with Jewish power and sees Glazunov's art as the beginning of a revival of ethnic Russia (Rus') at the expense of a waning influence of the Jews in the Soviet Union. Certainly, when he proclaims "long live," he does not mean the present Communist system but an envisioned ethnocentric Russian state. The other anti-Jewish statement is contained in the collection of poems that a certain Ivan Rukavitsyn attached to the Moscow comment book as a token of his appreciation. One of his poems, "The Secret Train," blames "godless Jews" in general, and Moisha Sverdlov" and "Lev Bronstein" (Trotsky) in particular, for the execution of the last Tzar's family. Like the anonymous commentator, he seems to equate the Soviets with Jewish power. [48]

In the Leningrad book, I found just one judophobic statement. It is written in the form of a reply to the preceding comment by "L. Abramova, an editor of the publishing house Khudozhnik RSFSR," who had reproached Glazunov for creating "such a repulsive portrait of the Russian muzhik" (if she is referring to the protagonist of "To Your Health !" she is expressing a pro-Soviet view). Thinking that anyone bearing such a last name must be Jewish, the irate anti-Semite mistakes her for a man and uses the following abusive sentence: "You, damned kike, want to impose on us your shit! Such editors should be chased out of their chairs." [49]

There are, however, among the negative comments, about half a dozen entries which express fear that Glazunov's emphasis on the ethnic Russian self-awareness may encourage judophobia or fascism. One anonymous visitor calls Glazunov pogromshchik, and then says: "Your ideology is transparent, and it is frightening because of its simplicity." "You are for Russia without ... ," he goes on, and puts the three dots in lieu of the intended "Jews." [50] A Leningrad painter, Rakhimova, says that the exhibit "reminds me of the official 'art' of Germany during the 40s." [51] Her statement is apparently intended to suggest that Glazunov's Russian theme may degenerate into the racist and anti-Semitic art of the Nazi era in Germany. "The Family of Ivanovs" sees in Glazunov, "a reaction, deep crisis, and deviation from the national-democratic tradition. If allowed to develop, it may lead to fascism." [52] The reference to "the national-democratic tradition" suggests a closeness to the official line that Soviet power represents the fulfillment of national aspirations of all "progressive and democratic" Russians. Another anonymous commentator reproaches Glazunov for playing up "base feelings, and that's how fascism begins." [53] There is, finally, an enigmatic remark: "It seems to me that you are a genius, but why did you castrate Sherling ?" [54] This is apparently a reference to Iurii Sherling, a Jewish musician, for whom Glazunov designed first sets of a Yiddish-language play performed in Moscow. The remark is possibly intended to suggest that Sherling's Jewishness was diminished after his collaboration with the Russian nationalist.

​48 Ibid., p. 7l.
49 Ibid., p. 162. In addition to the three openly judophobic comments, one may suspect that some
other judophobes could have concealed their true feelings under the mask of russophilism.
However, their number cannot be significant if we keep in mind that the two comment books
are distinguished by an unprecedented degree of spontaneity and that several people were not
afraid to express anti-Soviet sentiments.
50 Ibid., p. 33.
51 Ibid., p. 172.
52 Ibid., p. 82.
53 Ibid., p. 177.
54 Ibid., p. 38.

The above few comments expressing a fear that Glazunov's art may degenerate into fascism and anti-Semitism are greatly outnumbered by positive, even enthusiastic comments signed by the people whose names betray their Jewish origin. Thus, M. L. Rabinovich, a student of piano, calls Glazunov "Great artist, great thinker, great humanist, great man and great citizen." [55] Iulii Naumovich Kantor simply says, "Thank you that you are." [56] Rafael Abramovich Zak, from the city of Omsk, thanks Glazunov "for the joie de vivre (radost' bytiia) which you give us" and says that he especially liked the picture "The Russian Venus." [57] Engineer Tepelbaum says that "a palace should be built to house 1. S. Glazunov's exhibit." [58] Engineer L. Vaisman's only regret is that "The Mystery" was not shown. [59] Roza Markovna Shrug calls Glazunov "an artist of genius," thanks him for the "aesthetic pleasure afforded by the exhibit" and volunteers to pose for him.[60] R. Slutsker, a 27-year old woman engineer from Sverdlovsk, writes: "Today is one of the happiest days in my life, and I feel proud to be your contemporary. You have filled my life with light." [61] Economist Ia. R. Kogan calls Glazunov an "outstanding painter of our time." He is impressed by the "refined brush work and emotional charge" that emanates from his portraits.[62] Engineer V. Vaisberg says: "Finally, I have seen a genuine, original, non-standard, humane, philosophically thinking, and most talented Russian artist. There is no question that today you are Russia's best painter." [63] Lastly, E. Khaikin calls Glazunov "a nationalist of genius." [64]

This last comment seems to sum up the attitude of those Soviet Jews who feel that the ethnic Russian nationalism, as distinct from the "Proletarian Internationalism" which has plenty of room for official anti-Semitism, is just as legitimate as Jewish Zionism or the exodus movement of Soviet Jews. It may be difficult for the unassimilated Soviet Jews to feel the same excitement about Glazunov's Russian theme as the ethnic Russians feel but this does not mean that they do not appreciate it objectively and spend their time worrying that the revival of Russian nationalism would threaten their existence.

55 Ibid., p. 63.
56 Ibid., p. 134.
57 Ibid., p. 63.
58 Ibid., p. 120.
59 Ibid., p. 57.
60 Ibid., p. 90.
61 Ibid., p. 126.
62 Ibid., p. 195.
63 Ibid., p. 185.
64 Ibid., p. 191. Other positive comments were signed by such names as M. G. Krol' ; Neimark ;
Galina Gennadievna Rubinshtein; Tatiana Toints; r. A. Miller; Vladimir Semenovich
Vol'man. These may belong to people with a Jewish connection.

6. Does "Soviet Patriotism" Mix With Russian Nationalism?

Among the positive comments there are some which seem to conform to the official line that the Soviet state is but the fulfillment of the national aspiration of ethnic Russians and that, therefore, "Soviet patriotism" is inseparable from ethnic Russians' pride over their past achievements. One such comment dubs Glazunov as "a great Soviet-Russian Phenomenon" and describes him as "a Leninist and Internationalist, affirmed in paintings of a genius, depicting the long-suffering Vietnam, Chile and other peoples of the progressive movement." It is signed "Bordiukov, Major-General of the Tank troops, a veteran of the Great Patriotic War."[65] Another visitor underscores that Glazunov is "our Russian Soviet painter," and supports that claim by a reference to Glazunov's portrayal of the workers of BAM (the Baikal-Amur railroad, the current darling of Soviet propaganda campaign). This entry is signed: "Sotnikova Engelina (sic! from Engels, not an angel), Senior Investigator for Especially Important Cases, the Chief Directorate of Internal Affairs, Lt. Col. of militia."[66] Engineer-electrician Pilipikov sees in Glazunov's art in general, and in "The Return" and "To Your Health !" in particular, "an example of implementation of the party-spirit (Partiinost') in art, in the sense of Lenin's insistance of an honest fulfillment (by an artist) of his duty before the people."[67] These three comments are rather exceptional in that they attempt, rather clumsily, to present Glazunov as "a Soviet-Russian phenomenon." Moreover, at least in Pilipikov's case, one may suspect that such comments could have been written tongue-in- cheek and in order to provide an alibi for the suspect artist.

There are, perhaps, half a dozen comments of this kind but they are greatly outnumbered by those who see Glazunov's art in explicitly non-Soviet and even anti-Soviet terms. The teacher of art, Kuranov from Moscow, courageously signed his name under the statement that Glazunov's exhibit is "an account of the sixty years of Soviet power during which our demagogues have been shouting slogans from the high platforms, while the low masses (nizy) were and remain deprived of all rights."[68] Referring to "The Return," an anonymous visitor says that "the pigs are the Fathers of the Capital who still continu~ to destroy the architecture of Moscow, the most national city of Russia." He interprets the skyscraper between the pigs as a symbol of modernity "which denies and defies the right of the Russian people to retain a national school in architecture."[69] Another visitor writes that Glazunov "is the only genuine painter who is not subservient to the ruling elite."[70] Several comments criticize the sponsors of the exhibit for not showing "The Mystery" and engineer Bakuev expresses a sentiment of many when he accuses the authorities of concealing Glazunov's art from the people "so that he is better known in the West than among us, Soviet citizens." [71] Protesting against the policy of tearing down ancient architectural monuments, medical doctor Zaitseva issues to the authorities this warning: "You have no right to kill the soul of the people, to obliterate its history with bulldozers. Who knows what fate may yet befall our country and how the Russian muzhik may serve it. Not for nothing, even Stalin, at the end of the war, raised his first toast for this long-suffering muzhik."

65 Ibid., p. 44.
66 Ibid., p. 66.
67 Ibid., p. 67-68.
68 Ibid., p. 122.
69 Ibid., p. 110.
70 Ibid., p. 89.
71 Ibid., p.123.

Her advice is: "We should do as they have done in Poland: to restore our history from ruins !" [72] Others, as engineer Stepanov, warn the authorities that, should they decide to punish Glazunov, "We, the inhabitants of Russia, will not let them hurt you! We shall raise our voice in your defense (and assist you) in every way possible, by words, deeds, letters, etc ... "[73]

Finally, a female student from Leningrad University writes that Glazunov gave her "a new strength, a new faith. This is a rebirth of Russia, as foretold: 'Russian would rise from her sleep ... '" She is quoting, of course, from Pushkin's famous poem to Chaadaev, and everyone in the Soviet Union knows how it ends: " ... and on the ruins of tyranny, our names
will be written."[74]

7. Conclusion

In an interview with Western reporters during his Moscow exhibit, Glazunov enjoined them to take his exhibit "as a new way of looking at art" in the USSR. Complaining of their preoccupation wi th well-established dissidents, most of whom dislike him, he used the matryoshka-doll metaphor to explain his relative position within the spectrum of public opinion inside the USSR. The Westerners, said Glazunov, only know of "the government on the outside and the dissident physicist, Andrei Sakharov, on the very inside, and they ignore all the other dolls, one outside the other, in between."[75] A few years later, when it became a.pparent that the dissident movement had virtually come to an end in consequence of emigration, persecution, and Sakharov's exile, Glazunov repeated the charge that the West ignores "all the other dolls." "Diplomats and foreigners who come here think dissidents are mostly Jewish and that they want to leave," said Glazunov, and then defined the position of his supporters and himself: "Another kind of dissident wants to stay."[76] The main significance of the two comment books consist precisely in the fact that, in addition to whatever they say about the state of Soviet art, they shed a great deal of light on political attitudes of "all the other dolls," that is on the wide spectrum of public opinion that is suspended "in-between" the government and those dissidents "that want to leave." In the light of this Soviet "home-made" opinion source, one can clearly see that the "in-between dolls" are far from satisfied with the current official approach to Russia's national heritage. Craving for a restoration of national self-awareness, they harbor in themselves the kind of dissidence that has the best chance to win a broad popular support and thus succeed.

72 Ibid., p. 129.
73 Ibid., p. 56.
74 Ibid., p.185.
75 Craig Whitney, "Unbridled Artist Proving Popular At Soviet Show," The New York Times,
June 18, 1978, p.121.
76 David K. Willis, "Currents of Nationalism, Dissent Beneath Crust of Communist Conformi-
ty," reprinted as "Soviet Memorandum" in Christian Science Monitor, March, 1981. It is
important to remember that, in spite of being an exception among Soviet painters, Glazunov
represents a very broad current of discontent which has ranged from the underground
activities of Igor Ogurtsov's All-Russian Social-Christian Union for the Liberation of People
(See Dunlop's The New Russian Revolutionaries) to Vladimir Osipov's samizdat magazine
Veche, the ruralist writers and the movement for the preservation of national monuments, of
which Glazunov is one of the founders. Best known abroad through the writings of Aleksandr
Solzhenitsyn, this current of dissent can be described as the National Rebirth Movement.

It is apparent that a substantial majority of ethnic Russians, although it may not be as large as the over 75 percent who favor Glazunov's art, feel that they are dispossessed of their national heritage and deprived of their ethnic identity, a feeling that must be especially bitter to them as they are often thought, by outsiders, to be the Herrenvolk among the peoples of the USSR and a contender for world hegemony. In fact, they are but the silenced majority of the USSR. As they penetrate all layers of Soviet society and have their in-closet adherents at all levels of power, they constitute the greatest potential for a peaceful transformation of Soviet society, perhaps, along the lines suggested by Solzhenitsyn in his Letter to Soviet Leaders.

The two comment books contain substantial evidence that the prevailing nationalist sentiments among ethnic Russians are strictly defensive in character and respectful of other nationalities. Their overwhelming concern, no matter how viscerally expressed, is with the survival, not expansion or Russification of others. An element of chauvinism, though present, does not seem to be stronger than in any other nation with a long history of competing with super-powers. In difference from others, it seems to be motivated, not by a belief in racial or religious superiority, but by a feeling of exclusivity based on a record of long-suffering. Although an element of anti-Semitism is also regrettably present in a few comments, it is not as prominent as one would expect in a country known for its history of both official and popular judophobia. However, unlike the official Soviet anti-Semitism which is chiefly focused on the Jewish religion, Zionism, and the state of Israel, the comment books give vent only to the popular variety of judophobia which seems to be chiefly concerned with the role of the Jews in the October Revolution and in the establishing of the "internationalist" Soviet state. What these judophobes seem to be ignorant of, is that that State has been hostile not only to Russian nationalism but to Jewish and any other nationalism as well. Although some Soviet Jews apparently feel that the rise of ethnic Russian nationalism a la Glazunov may threaten their well-being in the USSR, many more realize that his art undermines the official ideology which shackles all peoples of the USSR, including the Jews.

Therefore, if Soviet leaders had indeed commissioned their trusted party scholars to analyze the two comment books in lieu of taking an open poll, they must have been greatly alarmed by the results. The fact that the official attitude to Glazunov - to tolerate but not to favor - has not since changed suggests that they simply do not know how to cope with the swell of ethnic Russian self-awareness and just hope that time is on their side and the problem will go away.

In his lead article, "Russian Nationalism," in the collection The Domestic Context of Soviet Foreign Policy, Adam Ulam concedes that Solzhenitsyn, whose views "it has become fashionable in certain Western circles to deride," "has one very perceptive insight: the hold of Soviet Communism can be loosened only if it is shown to be incompatible with Russian nationalism" (emphasis supplied).[77] This is exactly what the two comment books show. In any case, my analysis of this unique Soviet source supports those Western scholars who, like Donald Treadgold, have held the opinion that "In Russia, the whole heritage of Orthodox Christianity, the liberal aspirations of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the entire precommunist corpus of village tradition, ceremony, and the arts, and other elements have been subjected to prohibition of scholarly study, direct attack, or grotesque and deliberate distortion by state fiat.[78] It also lends support to their argument that ethnic Russian nationalism does not have to be antagonistic to other nationalities of the USSR and must be viewed as an ally of the free world.

The fact that the Soviet government has been able to create and maintain a semblance of symbiosis between communism and Russian nationalism is due, at no small degree, to the unwillingness of the West to admit the legitimacy of Russian nationalism for unfounded fear that it may develop into an alternative worse than communism.

77 Adam Ulam, "Russian Nationalism," in The Domestic Context of Soviet Foreign Policy, ed.
Seweryn Bialer (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1981), pp.13-14.

78 Donald Treadgold, "Alternative Western Views of the Sino-Soviet Conflict," in The
Sino-Soviet Conflict: A Global Perspective, ed. Herbert Ellison (Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 1982) p. 352.

This Fall marks the centennial of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution.  Although few commentators today are likely to glorify that event or its aftermath, most will assume that the revolution was a regrettable necessity, which swept away a repressive and stagnant ancient regime.  Such a view is false.  Culturally and spiritually, that lost pre-revolutionary Russia was a treasure house, and indeed a birthplace of the modern West.  The grim view we hold of Russia’s old Christian world is one of the last triumphs of Soviet propaganda.

That is nowhere more true than in the case of the Russian Orthodox Church, which is so often portrayed as a haven of obscurantism and anti-Jewish hatred.  In fact, most of the episcopate strove to discredit and suppress antisemitic propaganda.  Meanwhile, the country was in the midst of a general spiritual revival, with rising levels of literacy among peasants and a publishing boom in devotional literature.  The church made serious inroads among industrial workers through a series of charismatically led reform movements preaching a kind of social-gospel activism.  The legendary St. John of Kronstadt was only the most celebrated of many locally famous holy men and women.

The church boasted a thriving cultural life, as most intellectuals and artists were suffused with its imagery and traditions, even if they rejected its political authority. Many proclaimed themselves Bogoiskateli, “God seekers.”  In 1915, Sergei Rachmaninoff produced in his choral “All-Night Vigil” one of the greatest musical accomplishments in modern religious history. Nikolai Berdyaev was a groundbreaking philosopher, a radical pioneer of Christian existentialism.  The Orthodox Russia that entered the war looked as if it were beginning an epoch of cultural achievement equal to any in its storied past.

​Historians commonly draw a sharp division between such achievements of the old order and the dazzling triumphs of modernism, which they commonly associate with the revolutionary world.  In this view, 1917 represents a watershed, a glorious transition to modernity.  Again, that is a pernicious myth.  Well before this date, Russian artists and musicians were already key pioneers of modern literature, art, music, and design, and they drew overwhelmingly on Christian traditions.  However radical it might appear in retrospect, experimental modernity was rooted in a thoroughly Orthodox thought-world of angels, apocalypse, and icons.

Already in 1916, Russia had produced the greatest urban apocalypse of the era.  Andrei Bely’s novel Petersburg resembles the work of Joyce in its daring experimentation, and in its enormous influence on later literature.  The book depicts pre-war St. Petersburg as a society on the verge of explosions, literal and metaphorical, a city living at the end of the world.  It is also a city under the eye of angels, where the devil walks the streets.  The statue of a horseman is a pervasive symbol, obviously suggesting one of the four horsemen of Revelation.  Only in whispers can Bely’s characters discuss the real issue at hand: “the Second Coming of Christ.”

​Although Bely apparently never met the Moscow-born painter Wassily Kandinsky, the work of each man often echoed the other’s interests in angels and imminent judgment.  In 1912, Kandinsky edited the pivotal manifesto Der Blaue Reiter Almanach, which cultural historians regard as an epochal movement in European modernism, bringing together the most innovative German and Russian artists of the day.  But we lose the religious significance of the name when we translate it “The Blue Rider.”  It actually refers to a bluehorseman, and the movement was born as a protest against a gallery’s decision to reject a Kandinsky painting of the Last Judgment.  That Orthodox-framed cosmic finale lay at the heart of European modernism.

​Another angel-obsessed member of the school was Russian painter Natalia Goncharova who in 1910 created her stunning image of the Archangel Michael, the leader of the heavenly hosts.  Although an advanced modernist, her work draws heavily on Russian icon traditions.  In 1915, she designed sets for Sergei Diaghilev’s planned ballet Liturgy, which was to feature such ancient images as the six-winged seraphs, with music based on Orthodox liturgical themes.

Mentioning Diaghilev suggests the enormous Russian contribution to modernist music, as avant-garde Europeans venerated such titanic innovators as Igor Stravinsky and Alexander Scriabin.  But Stravinsky in particular was a devout Orthodox believer, who famously remarked that “Music praises God.  Music is well or better able to praise him than the building of the church and all its decoration; it is the Church’s greatest ornament.”  Obviously, Stravinsky did not return to Bolshevik Russia after 1917, nor did many of the key modernists.  The gullible modernists who did choose Bolshevik rule usually ended up silenced or murdered.

When we struggle past the Bolshevik myths, we must give full credit to that old Christian Russia for inventing the modern West, and the modern mind.      

This article first appeared in the September 2017 issue of Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture (www.chroniclesmagazine.org).

Philip Jenkins is in 2013 the Distinguished Professor of History at Baylor University in the United States, and Co-Director for Baylor's Program on Historical Studies of Religion in the Institute for Studies of Religion

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This true story of a Ukrainian Professor Mikhail Tamoikin may sound like a script from a Hollywood action blockbuster, however all of this happened to him for real just last summer. After surviving this horrific ordeal, Prof. Tamoikin agreed to share his thoughts about those life and death events with the English audience.
 
Last August Mikhail Tamoikin was kidnapped at gunpoint in the center of Kiev, chained and dragged into a car, taken to a boat, where he was beaten and tortured. Miraculously he managed to escape by jumping into the river and swimming for 12 km to safety. After calling the local police, Mikhail quickly learned that the corrupt Ukrainian government officials and “on the take” law enforcement officers were responsible for his kidnapping. Prof. Tamoikin managed to barely get out of Ukraine, moving to Lithuania, but that did not stop this international criminal candidate. Just two months later a second attempt on his life took place. An unmarked car with a masked driver intentionally hit Mikhail in Vilnius city, and when he survived that, these criminals, dressed as policemen, tried to finish the job.
 
So what did Prof. Tamoikin do to have the most dangerous Eastern European Mafia with deep government ties after him? He single-handedly stopped perhaps the largest illegal sale of ancient gold artefacts in the world, worth over half a Billion dollars. It was organized by corrupt high-ranking Ukrainian officials, police officers and organized crimes groups, who are still after Mikhail to this day. 

Mikhail Tamoikin is a Professor with university degrees in oceanography, law, finance and art. In 1988-1994 he worked for UNESCO in West Africa, however after the collapse of the USSR he moved to Canada and started to work in the art sector. By 2001, Mikhail developed a number of scientific innovations to regulate the chaotic art and antiquity market. He began to implement his technologies in Ukraine, a nation that was extremely rich in such cultural valuables but poor in knowledge of how to properly manage them.
 
It was then, when Tamoikin Expert System (TES), developed by Prof. Tamoikin, started to receive worldwide attention due to its success. At that time TES represented only several “world’s first” technologies such as – mathematical and fully transparent appraisal system that can evaluate any art, antique or collectible item; art identity management methodology; complete item information document and a number of other innovations. Today TES consists of 17 unique technologies, systems and methods which allows the user to do the unthinkable – stabilize, effectively manage and intelligently regulate any national, as well as international [multibillion dollar] art markets. To date it is considered as the last completely unregulated market on earth.
 
Not even the larger auction houses, biggest galleries, major art institutions or even ministries of culture and finance have anything remotely close to TES technologies, developed by Professor Tamoikin. Naturally brining light, rules and transparency to the shadow art world, where up to 1.5 trillion dollars circulate annually, is a messy affair. Mikhail learned it the hard way.  
 
In 2010 professor Tamoikin becomes the director of the Science Institute of Standardization and Attestation, which was part of the Ministry of Culture of Ukraine. In 2012 the Chief of Internal Affairs, one of the highest ranking police officers in Ukraine, tasked Prof. Tamoikin to do an unprecedented and very dangerous job in a very short amount of time. A job that other government departments declined to do.  

Mikhail and his science team had to research, catalogue and evaluate over 2500 gold artefacts, that were confiscated by the police from corrupt gov’t officials, in the high profile criminal case №18-458/1.
 
Several of the arrested [with these treasures] were close bodyguards of former president of Ukraine - Viktor Yushchenko. Needles to say these people were extremely dangerous and were accused of very serious crimes such as murder and torture.
 
This highly sensitive matter demanded a lot effort, if it was to be completed in the limited timeframe that was given. Prof. Tamoikin and his team of 11 people worked non-stop under highest levels of security. They had to bring in experts from all parts of Ukraine and even the EU, something that had to be confirmed in writing by the Chief of Internal Affairs. All work was classified as top secret and took place in the vaults of the National Bank of Ukraine, under constant guard and supervision by the Secret Police, know as SBU. In the end, Tamoikin’s team got the job done on time, however instead of awards and acceptance of System TES (which made it all possible) as the national standard, everyone was issued regular letters of gratitude and quickly forgotten. 

Near the end of 2012, due to poor governance by President Viktor Yanukovych, Ukrainian people start an apprising to oust the corrupt government elite that mismanaged the country. In 2014, when it has grown into a full scale revolution against corruption, Prof. Tamoikin chooses to take part in those events, as he himself saw and fought such corruption on daily basis. 

2014 Shout Out UK interview with Prof. Tamoikin when he was on Maidan:
http://www.shoutoutuk.org/2014/01/24/ukraine-the-revolution-grows-where-will-it-all-end/

For that participation he was instantly prosecuted, harassed and threatened by evermore violent Yanukovych regime. In fear for the safety of his family, Mikhail was forced to move to his second residence in Lithuania. From there he watched as the entire Maidan Revolution was hijacked by even more corrupt individuals, like current oligarch and President of Ukraine - Petro Poroshenko, along with his ministers. 
 
Seeing that nothing has changed for the better, and the Poroshenko regime was much worse than Yanukovych’s, especially in light of the fact that many people who rose up against corruption were prosecuted even more severely, Mikhail Tamoikin realized he could not return to Ukraine. He started to openly criticize the new Kiev government for stealing the national wealth of Ukraine, jailing the regulators and reporters who dared to publicly confront them, while blaming all country’s troubles on the annexation of Crimea.
 
On several occasion Prof. Tamoikin appeared on National TV in Lithuania and have openly talked about the crimes that these new Ukrainian leaders were committing. For that he was repeatedly warned and then threatened by Ukrainian government officials, which included high ranking police chiefs.  This also put him on the radar of criminal organizations that were working closely with the corrupt politicians.
 
In February of 2014, Mikhail received an offer to purchase an antique gold helmet, from one of his friend in Austria. Much to his surprise, this was the same helmet that was part of that half a billion dollar archaeology collection Prof. Tamoikin and his team documented, evaluated and appraised for the Ukrainian Police in the criminal case 18-458/1. He knew this artefact of national importance was the property of Ukraine and could not possibly be exported or sold. It belonged in a national museum, but never the less the offer was real and this gold helmet was already somehow smuggled to central Europe. Furthermore the helmet had fully documented history and provenance [obviously faked] stating that it belonged to a prominent Jewish family for decades, but now they wanted to sell it. The asking price was 30,000,000 EUR, which is the only truthful statement in those documents, as it was copied from original TES appraisal documents that Prof. Tamoikin did himself in 2012.   

When Mikhail showed his Austrian colleague the original documents from the criminal case, proving the helmet was stolen, the man was shocked by the power and influence of the criminals involved. Prof. Tamoikin then proceeded to take actions to stop the sale of that $30 million helmet and other multimillion dollar artefacts that these criminals stole from Ukraine.
 
He soon learned that all 2500 gold artefacts were missing from the National Bank of Ukraine, so were all the documents from the criminal case 18-458/1 that Tamoikin’s team worked so hard on. As Mikhail learned later, his reports were destroyed soon after the Maidan Revolution was over, by someone in the police. That is not easy as it may sound, since those documents were represented by 24 volumes consisting of close to 11,000 pages. Without any doubt this was an inside job ordered by corrupt government officials. No paperwork meant that these extremely valuable gold rarities of national importance now belonged to no one and could permanently disappear from Ukraine. That’s exactly what happened, they were stolen without anyone knowing of their existence, then smuggled into central Europe in order to be sold there. Someone was supposed to get very rich.
 
What these criminals did not know was that Prof. Tamoikin kept official copies of all documents on that collection which had original signatures of top officers from Ministry of Internal Affairs. Furthermore he received permission from the police [at that time] to take them out of the country, which Mikhail did. That meant that he had the only copies that could prove this half a billion dollar gold collection belonged to the people of Ukraine. Furthermore it proved that these artefacts were stolen and smuggled into the EU. Precisely these vital reports Prof. Tamoikin actively used to stop each and every illegal attempt to sell those multimillion dollar artefacts. He sent the documents to law enforcement agencies, shared them with reporters and distributed copies to known art dealers – thus blocking those unlawful sales of stolen Ukrainian culture.
 
Tamoikin Art Fund’s July 3, 2015 Shout Out UK report where this criminal case 18-458/1 and the $30 million dollar gold helmet are published. One month later Mikhail Tamoikin was kidnapped: http://www.shoutoutuk.org/2015/07/03/the-shocking-counter-terrorism-report/
 
When powerful corrupt government officials and organized crime groups with deep international reach saw their transactions fall apart, all because of one man – they went after Mikhail. As long as those documents existed they could not sell that collection. As many of you can imagine half a billion dollars is not a small chunk of change. People get killed for far less. However killing Prof. Tamoikin would not solve their problem – they needed to get their hands on the documents, and destroy them.
 
For that reason on August 10, 2015 Professor Mikhail Tamoikin was tracked [with sophisticated technology available only to law enforcement], followed and professionally kidnapped in brought daylight at gunpoint in the center of Kiev, capital of Ukraine.
 
Here is what happened in Mikhail’s own words: 
 
“On August 10, 2015 I was kidnapped and taken hostage by fully masked and armed gunmen, who had guns with silencers, in the Kiev city, capital of Ukraine. They first sprayed something in my face that made me dizzy, soon after I lost consciousness. I woke up from severe pain in the trunk of a car, fully tied and covered with a blanket on top of which someone was sitting to keep me down. I lost consciousness again and came to [due to beatings] on a large river boat. There I was beaten and tortured for several hours. I was tied up and blindfolded most of the time. A metal chain was placed on my neck, but it wasn’t tied to anything, and was used to pull and choke me.
 
Later that night, when my kidnappers left me alone, I was able to chew through the ropes and get free. The armed guards that beat me always came in pairs in one hour internal. This disciplined rotation reaffirmed my suspicion that they could be the police or the military. I hoped that if I were to make noise in between their scheduled checkups and beatings, only one guard would show up to check on me. So I did and by pure luck that is exactly what happened.
 
The light was off where I was, so I hid and got ready to jump on my kidnapper, using the element of surprise. When the guard came in I hit him several time, then ran past and jumped into the river Dnepr. Then I dove under the boat and swam underwater as far as I could into the middle of the river, almost loosing consciousness.
 
My attackers came after me, however because we were closer to the shore, they thought I would swim there, so the attention and the spotlights were focused away from me in the beginning, giving me time to make my escape. Another boat lit up in the dark and aided them in the search for me. Then they started patrolling the entire river. By pure luck I was able to evade them and escape, by swimming underwater most of the first hour. I would come up for air, take a few deep breaths and go under again, staying down as long as I could. Every time I came up to breath, I thought someone would see me and shoot me in the head, they all had guns with silencers after all. Miraculously that did not happen and after that first hour I swam and drifted quite far from the area where those boats were. I spent several hours in the river and was close to hypothermia even though it was summer. Nevertheless, I let the current take me as far away down the river, as I was able to bear. I feared that they would easily catch me with fast motorboats. By morning I no longer was able to stay in the water, so I swam to the shore, found people on a small beach near by, and with their help called the police.
 
These people, who saw me coming out of the water, could not believe their eyes. I had a metal chain on my neck. I was wearing only torn shorts. My skin was cut, bruised and injured. And on top of it all, I was so cold and beaten that I could not speak properly at first. 

From the beginning the police investigators intentionally did not do their job, I guess due to orders from above. No witnesses were questioned. No videos were taken from street cameras, which were abundant in that area, and had to record my kidnapping. No inquiries were made about boats and their numbers that were on the river that day. In short, nothing was done. It was clear someone powerful wanted this investigation to go away quietly.

Because I was a member of the International Police Association (www.ipa-iac.org) I had a number of friends in the police and Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine. Right away they told me that my family and I were in grave danger, suggesting we leave the country immediately. As they explained, there were talks of corrupt high-ranking police officers that were extremely upset that I escaped, and were thinking of taking more drastic actions.

The professional style I was kidnapped, using a knockout spray, well armed gunmen, change of locations, use of cars and boats, being tied-up the way law enforcement would, all reaffirmed that corrupt police or military personnel were behind this. My own friends who served, said this was definitely MO of Ukrainian Secret Police.”  
 
Read article “Kiev allows torture and runs secret jails, says UN”
http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/kiev-allows-torture-and-runs-secret-jails-says-un-vwlcrpsjn
 
After arriving to Lithuania, Prof Mikhail Tamoikin continued to actively promote his system TES, through videos, articles, conferences and other media events. Soon the Ministry of Defence of Lithuania noticed his work and invited Mikhail to be a guest speaker at the International Security Conference, held in Vilnius. There, Prof. Tamoikin once again talked about art smuggling, retelling the story how he stopped the illegal sale of the $30 million gold helmet and half a billion worth of other Ukrainian artefacts. 

​Watch Prof. Tamoikin’s presentation in the Ministry of Defence of Lithuania:

Unfortunately, this public defiance of international organized crime groups put Prof. Tamoikin in serious danger once again. Soon after that presentation a second attempt on his life took place.  
 
Once again, here is what happened in Mikhail’s own words:
 
“On October 21, 2015 I was bicycling to one of our art storage facilities, the location of which was known to only my family member and the police and the land registrar in Lithuania. At the point where the road was more visible to the oncoming traffic than to me, making it an ideal place to stage a collision, a dark car suddenly flew towards me at very high speed with its high beam lights on full. Right away it swerved towards me, with full intent to cause a high speed collision. I only had split seconds to react. Intuitively I twisted the handlebar, directing the bike away from the vehicle, but was unable to fully evade and got hit by the car. Fortunately my evasive actions minimized the impact. I was thrown away from the bicycle, flying several meters in the air before hitting pavement and rolling on the ground. Right before the collision and while in the air, I did see that the dark car was a minivan with no licence plates while the driver was masked by sunglasses and a hat. A metal guardrail stopped my tumble. As I hit it, I seriously injured my head, splitting it wide open. Blood started poring everywhere and I lost consciousness for what must have been a few minutes. 

When I came back, my head was spinning and I was very dizzy. My clothes were all torn and I was clearly in shock. However, what happened next was even more alarming than the injuries sustained from the hit.
 
 Conveniently, within a few minutes a police car arrived. From it, two people dressed as police officers emerged and started walking up to me cautiously. One of them had an upholstered handgun, which looked like a revolver. Not a standard issued firearm in Lithuanian police, to my knowledge. Hit men prefer revolves because they leave no casing when fired. At least that was the thought that flashed in my mid as they approached me. I was getting better but still could not stand up, so I just sat there awaiting my fait. By then, the sun started to set. It was not dark but it wasn’t broad daylight either. The two men talked in Lithuanian with each other and I could not understand them. They were also looking around a lot, somewhat nervously. Then they started to talk to me in Lithuanian, in a somewhat aggressive manner. I could not understand them, and replied in Russian, when that did not work I tried English. Almost all Lithuanians speak Russian, especially the policemen who are also obligated to know basic English. They did not respond in ether language and continued talking in Lithuanian. Then they looked at each other nodding, as if hey agreed to do something, when suddenly an old lady came out of the corner. As soon as they saw her, the two policemen said something to each other, got into a car and hastily left me bloodied and injured where I was.
 
Right that very moment I realized that real officers of the law would not do that. Either they were corrupt cops or criminals dressed as policemen, probably there to finish the job or kidnap me after the failed hit by the minivan. It was not uncommon for criminals to dress as law enforcement in Lithuania. In fact one of my associates, a well know art collector and his family were kidnapped and robbed by such fake policemen a number of years back.
 
Lithuanian art collector’s son kidnapped: http://ru.delfi.lt/news/crime/zaderzhany-podozrevaemye-v-pohischenii-ikon-za-50-mln-litov.d?id=28228119
 
The old lady approached me and naturally started talking in Lithuanian. Apparently she also did not understand Russian, however she did give me a cloth to stop the blood and then helped me get up. I nodded to her that I was alright and she reluctantly left. If it wasn’t for her, chances are I wouldn’t be alive now.
 
 I as stood there thinking about what happened, my first reaction was to call the real police, however my cell phone got broken by the fall and did not work so I decided to slowly make my way back home. It was quite far, however when I realized that my family could also be in danger from these very same people a rush of adrenalin hit me, giving strength and clarity of mind. My bike was broken but surprisingly worked, more or less, so I rolled downhill on it and walked up. After I got home, cleaned myself up and had time to think, I realized that a second attempt on my life in such a short period of time in Lithuania, an EU nation, was only possible if local corrupt officials in government and police were working with or for the same people who kidnapped me in Ukraine.
 
In short, they knew everything about me to the detail and this time organized a well planed operation, involving an entire team of people in police uniforms and cars. It is hard to believe that such an operation was executed without the knowledge of the local police. I think someone was paid off and some were even in on it.
 
Furthermore, taking into account the very close cooperation between the government of Lithuania and the new government of Ukraine, where many Lithuanian citizens were invited to be Ukrainian ministers and high-ranking police commanders - I realized that some of these corrupt individuals could be working together to silence me.
 
Lithuanian citizens are serving as Ukrainian ministers and high-ranking policemen:
http://24tv.ua/golovniy_politseyskiy_vilnyusa_pratsyuvatime_v_ukrayini_n646397
 
There was simply no way that corrupt Ukrainian police and criminals that organized this second attempt on my life would have know the following information about me – without explicit cooperation with the local Lithuanian police:

• They knew that I was living in Lithuania.
• They knew I was in Vilnius city and not anywhere else.
• They knew my home address, which I kept private.
• They knew the address of our secret storage facility, which was known only to my family members, the local police and government land registrar.
• They knew the exact route, out of many, that I would take to get to our secret facility, something that can only be done if they were either following me, or tracking my cell phone. I think it was the latter, as the streets were empty that day and I do not recall many vehicles on the road. It is also how my kidnappers tracked me in Ukraine, as I was told by my contact in the police there.
• They knew I would be on a bicycle and not in a car, so someone was watching my home.
• They knew the ideal place and time to hit me with the car, indicating that another person was directing the driver from higher ground, possibly the same policemen that approached me after I survived the hit.
• They had backup plan involving either actual police officers who were willing to kill me or criminals that dressed as such. Because those policemen arrived in a very real looking police car, I assume they were in fact corrupt but real officers of the law.  

 
Right at that very moment I realized that I had to immediately leave Lithuania and move to a country where my family and I could be safe, where there was no corruption in law enforcement and where I could continue to work on my TES project to fight the criminal rule over the art market.”
 
It is important to add that on November 18, 2015, just one month after Prof. Tamoikin was attacked in Lithuania, his colleague – General Alexander Ruvin, Director of Institute of Criminology of Ukraine was shot at, but luckily survived. Mikhail and Alexander fought against corruption and worked closely together on several high-profile projects including the infamous criminal case 18-458/1. Prof. Tamoikin and his friends in the Ukrainian police believe Mr. Ruvin was targeted by the same people who kidnapped Mikhail. 
 
Shot, Alexander Ruvin - Director of Institute of Criminology of Ukraine:
https://news.pn/en/criminal/148738
 
To this day Prof. Tamoikin is fighting against serious international mafia that is robbing Ukraine and other countries of their national cultural treasures that are worth hundreds of millions of dollars on the black art market.
 
He is able to do that because of his close fiends in the law enforcement, who not only warned and protected Mikhail after his kidnapping but also help him expose the corrupt officials that steal valuable works of art from their own people. Prof. Tamoikin cannot name most of his confidants, as that would put a lot of them in danger. Nevertheless, one person gave him such permission.
 
Col. Valeriy Stepanovich Kur (ret.) is a legendary figure in the Ukrainian police circles. He worked for a number of law enforcement agencies as well as the Ministry of Internal Affairs and was one the original founders of the first police department in Ukraine to fight organized crime. 

Col. Valeriy Stepanovich Kur (ret.)
https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Кур,_Валерий_Степанович
​

Just for helping Prof. Tamoikin, Col. Kur made a lot of his superiors extremely angry but even so he continued to help. Here is an exert from a letter that Mikhail received from the colonel:
 
“As far as my abilities allow, I continue to push the Ministry of Internal Affairs to do the investigation properly, to find the criminals who kidnapped you. I even accused them of purposeful inaction and intentional misconduct. So much so that I’ve already been openly told that I’m the main enemy of the Minister and his entire political team. So far, I encountered nothing but anger from the government bureaucrats and police officers. On the upside, today 3.05.2016 at 14:50 (local time), on TV (ISTV-channel) there’s going to be a small news report, where I will talk about your kidnapping. I am not indifferent to what happened to you, so I’m happy to tell your story. Let me know if you have any new details that I can share publicly.” 
 
From Col. Kur’s own words it becomes clear that the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine is fully informed about the kidnapping of Prof. Mikhail Tamoikin, however this case appears to be purposefully frozen while the colonel is intentionally stonewalled.
 
Because of this, Prof. Tamoikin and his friends in Ukrainian law enforcement circles, did their own private investigation and found out with high degree of certainty that the boat (which turned out to be a yacht) where Mikhail was kept prisoner, belonged to one of the high-ranking politicians. So much so that even past and current President of Ukraine, along with top ministers and oligarchs were known to hold private events on that yacht. This says much about the level and extreme seriousness of the people who ordered Prof. Tamoikin kidnapped and possibly killed. This also explains why his case is standing still and no one, from local police to Internal Affairs are willing to investigate it. It is clear they are ordered not to.
 
In contrast, a very similar kidnapping happened with the citizen of France, in the same city of Kiev, not long ago. Almost instantly the Ukrainian police found and prosecuted the perpetrators. This clearly shows that when the police wishes to solve a case, they do. When it comes to Mikhail, they do not.   
 
French citizen kidnapped in Ukraine:
http://newsoboz.org/proisshestviya/politsiya-zaderzhala-pohititeley-frantsuzskogo-grazhdanina-09052016172019
 
To conclude this incredible story, we asked Prof. Tamoikin to share the findings of an independent investigation done by his police colleagues, into why he was kidnapped and what was the main goal? Here are the top three versions:
 
#1) Prof. Tamoikin was kidnapped to get his (second) copies of all legal documents that represent and identify 2,500 rare gold artefacts confiscated by the Ukrainian police in the high profile case 18-458/1. Once the documents were retrieved from Mikhail, they could be destroyed, and so is the last proof that these rarities were in government’s possession. Then, corrupt politicians, using their power and criminal connections, could smuggle them into the EU and sell on the black art market for close to $500,000,000 US and potentially more.  
 
#2) Mikhail’s kidnappers wanted to extort valuable antiques from his family members. The Tamoikin Art Fund, where Prof. Tamoikin is the Vice President, owns a number of world-class rarities such as:

• 4th c. B.C. Greek-Scythian gold drinking horn - valued at $12 million US.
• 1st c.  B.C. Persian King's gold necklace - valued at $33 million US.
• 16th c. A.D. Rublev Iconostasis - valued at $7.6 million US
• Large ancient book collection worth tens of million.
• Very large antique weapons collection worth millions.

And many other collectibles, totalling more than 76 thousand items. 
 
#3) It is possible that the people who ordered the kidnapping of Prof. Mikhail Tamoikin wanted to destroy his TES project, which is making the multibillion dollar shadow art market very transparent. That means the end of corruption, tax evasion, forgeries, under-the-table deals and all other criminal activities that make a lot of money for organized crime as well as their corrupt government patrons.
 
TES technologies and educational programs are well known around the world by art professionals, collectors, dealers as well as powerful politicians and even criminals. For example in 2006, Marina Poroshenko, the wife of the current President of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, graduated from Prof. Tamoikin’s TES program. At the same time, it was widely known that all Ukrainian Presidents including Poroshenko (who is still a big art collector) stubbornly resisted any legislation that would regulate the art market in Ukraine. They liked and defended the status quo, where theft, contraband and corruption were practically made legal. The project TES fought against such unfair market conditions, in so doing making a lot of enemies including heads of state.
 
As Prof. Tamoikin says, his art fund, that is funding TES research, was on a verge of a major transaction that could allow his business to take a quantum leap forward. Project TES would get much stronger and his adversaries knew that. Shortly after, Mikhail was kidnapped that transaction halted, while he had to spend a lot of his savings on security, relocation, health and wellbeing of his family. This resulted in significant setbacks, which he is just starting to recover from.
 
Nevertheless, Prof. Mikhail Tamokin is now alive and well. The Tamoikin Art Fund and the Project TES have shown resilience in the face of extreme adversity. Mikhail, his family, friends, colleagues and enterprises came out of these misfortunes stronger and more confident that ever before. Prof. Tamoikin vowed to continue his fight against the organized crime in the art world. He already published a number of articles, gave several interview and many lectures.
 
You can write to Prof. Mikhail Tamokin at: www.tamoikin.com/contact
 
By George Markoff
Translation by Dmitry Tamoikin

Notes and references:
 

• New reports  about Prof. Tamoikin’s kidnapping in Ukrainian press:
  • http://www.unn.com.ua/uk/news/1490649-pidpriyemets-zumiv-vtekti-vid-vikradachiv-stribnuvshi-u-dnipro
  • http://hronika.info/kriminal/77537-predprinimatel-sbezhal-ot-svoih-pohititeley-prygnuv-v-dnepr.html
  • http://cripo.com.ua/?sect_id=10&aid=198244

 

• Watch Prof. Tamoikin’s presentation in the Ministry of Defence of Lithuania https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dO6xDBHH2JI

 

• 2014 Shout Out UK interview with Prof. Tamoikin when he was on Maidan: http://www.shoutoutuk.org/2014/01/24/ukraine-the-revolution-grows-where-will-it-all-end/

 

• Tamoikin Art Fund’s July 3, 2015 Shout Out UK report where this criminal case 18-458/1 and the $30 million dollar gold helmet are published. One month later Mikhail Tamoikin was kidnapped: http://www.shoutoutuk.org/2015/07/03/the-shocking-counter-terrorism-report/

 

• Article “Kiev allows torture and runs secret jails, says UN”:  http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/kiev-allows-torture-and-runs-secret-jails-says-un-vwlcrpsjn

 

• Lithuanian art collector’s son kidnapped: http://ru.delfi.lt/news/crime/zaderzhany-podozrevaemye-v-pohischenii-ikon-za-50-mln-litov.d?id=28228119

 

• Lithuanian citizens are serving as Ukrainian ministers and high-ranking policemen: http://24tv.ua/golovniy_politseyskiy_vilnyusa_pratsyuvatime_v_ukrayini_n646397

 

• Shot, Alexander Ruvin - Director of Institute of Criminology of Ukraine: http://en.censor.net.ua/news/361520/highprofile_cases_expert_oleksand_ruvin_was_shot_at_three_times_attack_connected_to_his_professional

 

• Col. Valeriy Stepanovich Kur (ret.) https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Кур,_Валерий_Степанович

 
French citizen kidnapped in Ukraine: http://newsoboz.org/proisshestviya/politsiya-zaderzhala-pohititeley-frantsuzskogo-grazhdanina-09052016172019


All statements in this report are an opinion of the author. Act at your own risk. Russia & America Goodwill Association (RAGA) is not responsible for the content of the article. Any views or opinions presented in this report are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RAGA. Any liability in respect to this communication remain with the author.

RAGA News
www.RAGA.org

Soviet Jewelry Channel - Episode 5: When it comes to investing in art, antiques and collectibles, especially those that are made of precious metals like gold and silver - mobility cannot be underestimated. In this video Dmitry Tamoikin, founder of "Soviet Jewelry" project, talks in detail about this important subject, pointing out pros and cons of large and small items of high value. With the increasing rate of natural, as well as man-made disasters Dmitry's presentation is not just timely - it's necessary. 

Direct video link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e4oi0sDMPjQ
Disclaimer: All statements in this report are an opinion. Act at your own risk.

Report by Soviet Jewelry News
Invest in History! TM


All statements in this report are an opinion of the author. Act at your own risk. Russia & America Goodwill Association (RAGA) is not responsible for the content of the article. Any views or opinions presented in this report are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RAGA. Any liability in respect to this communication remain with the author.

RAGA News
www.RAGA.org

Soviet Jewelry Channel - Episode 4: In this video Dmitry Tamoikin, founder of SovietJewelry.com, talks about investing in gold and silver, be it in bullion form, coins, antiques or jewellery. Dmitry also candidly explains how various businesses make money in this market, while showing everyone how they can do the same. 

Direct video link: https://youtu.be/aMkHMoaK0qc
All statements in this report are an opinion. Act at your own risk.

Report by
Soviet Jewelry News

All statements in this report are an opinion of the author. Act at your own risk. Russia & America Goodwill Association (RAGA) is not responsible for the content of the article. Any views or opinions presented in this report are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RAGA. Any liability in respect to this communication remain with the author.

RAGA News
www.RAGA.org

Soviet Jewelry Channel - Episode 2: In this video Dmitry Tamoikin, founder of SovietJewelry.com, talks about the falling value of the Russian Ruble, Ukrainian Hryvnia as well as other currencies - AND - how purchasing Soviet Gold & Silver Jewelry can protect your savings against this unfortunate inflation.

MIR TV Channel, with 90 million viewers in 14 different nations across the globe, through its series “Made In USSR” tells the story of how life was in the Soviet Union. In this latest program called “Soviet Jewellery” the audience will learn about the type of jewelry people wore in USSR, the high quality, appeal and rarity of these unique items, as well as the demand for them today in the collectors world.

NOTE: Video is in Russian language.
Video copyrights © МТРК «МИР» www.mirtv.ru
Direct video link: http://mirtv.ru/programms/4212468/episode/11498920

All statements in this report are an opinion of the author. Act at your own risk. Russia & America Goodwill Association (RAGA) is not responsible for the content of the article. Any views or opinions presented in this report are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RAGA. Any liability in respect to this communication remain with the author.

RAGA News
www.RAGA.org

Ukraine is in a desperate economic state, with massive debt and on a brink of a complete monetary collapse. Ukrainian government is openly asking US and EU to bail them out. The country and the people urgently need substantial revenue and debt free cash. 

And yet, in light of all of this they somehow can afford the luxury of destroying historically, and more importantly – financially valuable monuments, solely for crowd entertainment. This simply doesn’t make any sense. If certain regions of Ukraine wish to get rid of everything that reminds them of communism – there is a better and more profitable way to do so!

Before I make my proposal, a disclaimer has to be made. I am not, by any means, advocating for indiscriminate deconstruction and sale of Lenin, as well as any other, Soviet statues in Ukraine or elsewhere. I firmly believe that all of these statues must remain where they are, and be protected by the local government, regardless of the fact that some percentage of the population finds them offensive. Removal of these statues is illegal and inappropriate for a civil and democratic society. Further more, UNESCO as well as the world community should step in, and take a more proactive role in protecting them.

With this said, the reality of the actual situation on the ground in most parts of Ukraine (and Eastern Europe at large) is simply incompatible with my idealistic views in the previous paragraph. The rate and the sheer amount of Soviet statues that have already been destroyed shows that the only options are - a violent teardown or a quiet deconstruction with subsequent destruction of these historic monuments.

I cannot agree with this line of thinking and thus wish to propose another viable and bipartisan alternative.

Lenin statues are worth a great deal of money to private collectors, museums and art funds, not only for the obvious nations like Russia or China, but to Western nations like United States, Great Britain, Germany, France and many others. The value of a single statue, on average, is approximately $100,000 US. Many statues are worth much more than that.

A lot of these statues have their own unique history and provenance like the larger than life-size (3.45 meters / 11.32 feet) Lenin monument, erected on Kiev's  Khreshchatyk Street in 1946, that was built by Soviet sculptor Sergey Merkurov from the same red Karelian stone as Lenin's Mausoleum in Moscow, and was even displayed at the 1939 New York World's Fair (1). These historic facts equate to today’s hard cash and Ukraine should take advantage of this by selling their Soviet statues to people and organizations officially at open auctions.  

How to do this right? Those regions in Ukraine, and Eastern Europe at large, where people feel strongly against these monuments that they wish to have them removed, the municipalities should hold an official vote, and if the majority votes for the monument to stay – the monument stays; if they vote to have it removed - the monument is put for an auction.  Authorities should issue an official removal permit, initiate a selling process, and make sure all proceeds would go to the local population.

A special provision must be made to account for situations where people vote for the statue to stay however authorities cannot guarantee its safety due to significant amount of protesters who may ignore the law and use violent means to tear down the statue anyway. Social experts that are advising the government must account for this factor and inform the municipality of such risks. If the likelihood that this statue will be destroyed is very high, authorities should engage the majority of the population on how to proceed further. In such cases the sale may be the only option available to protect the monument.

To note, the removal and shipping of the statue is done at buyers expense, however until the statue is sold it may stay where it is, so not to incur any additional expenses. All in all this is not a substantial issue considering the costs: shipping & container - $5000 US; deconstruction - $2000 US, on average. Due to low labour wages in Ukraine buyers should not expect to pay more than $7000 US for regular size statues that can fit in a large shipping container. Considering the over all value of the purchase, such shipping and handling frees are more than reasonable.

I am confident that there would be many buyers, especially from China, interested in purchasing Lenin statues for more than $100,000 US, each! This is a win-win for all sides because the municipality and the local people will get the much needed cash, the buyer will get a unique historic artwork and the statue itself is not lost forever. 

Statue of Lenin In Seattle! "There is a 16 foot (5 m) bronze sculpture of Communist revolutionary Vladimir Lenin located in the Fremont neighborhood of Seattle, Washington.... The statue was constructed by a Slovak Bulgarian sculptor, Emil Venkov, under commission from the Soviet and Czechoslovak governments... Lewis E. Carpenter, who was teaching English in Poprad, offered to buy it for $13,000. With the help of the original sculptor, the statue was professionally cut into three pieces and shipped to the United States at a total cost of $41,000... It now stands two blocks northward at the intersection of Evanston Ave N, N 36th St, and Fremont Place, outside a falafel shop and a gelato shop... The Carpenter family continues to seek a buyer for the statue. The asking price as of 2006 is $250,000, up from a 1995 price tag of $150,000."

Text and image source: 
wikipedia.org/wiki/Statue_of_Lenin,_Seattle

Another viable alternative is creating a Soviet theme park where these statues can be brought to from all over the country and act as a tourist attraction. This was successfully done in Lithuania, a former USSR republic, by a local entrepreneur who created a place called - Grūtas Park (www.grutoparkas.lt). This private park is successfully attracting local and foreign visitors solely because of the Soviet statues that the owner was able to buy, move and preserve there. Ukraine now has the same choice to make – lose these valuable artworks or make money on them. Considering the state of the economy and widespread poverty, the choice is clear.

Personally, I think the government of the Russian Federation should step forward and create a special fund, with the sole purpose of preserving  all statues and monuments created by the USSR, regardless of their location; and in the event where they cannot be preserved - purchasing and relocating these historic artworks back to Russia.

Lastly and just to be clear: Soviet monuments that are not under immediate danger should stay where they are and not be sold unless threatened with demolition.

By Dmitry Tamoikin
President of Tamoikin Art Fund
Founder of Soviet Jewelry Project
CEO of Earth Sphere Development Corporation
Contributor to Russia & America Goodwill Association

Sources:

1. youtu.be/xye36G6J7XY
2. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fall_of_the_monument_to_Lenin_in_Kiev
3. www.grutoparkas.lt
4. www.youtube.com/results?search_query=leninfall
5. www.youtube.com/results?search_query=leninopad
6. www.youtube.com/results?search_query=%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%BF%D0%B0%D0%B4
7. uk.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9B%D0%B5%D0%BD%D1%96%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%BF%D0%B0%D0%B4
8. www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/02/24/leninopad-falling-lenins-statues-ukraine_n_4847364.html
9. www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-26313792
10. www.1tv.ru/news/world/268581
11. www.1tv.ru/news/world/268625
12. leninstatues.ru/leninopad
13. www.russkiivopros.com/?pag=one&id=564&kat=9&csl=65
14. www.segodnya.ua/ukraine/Leninopad-v-Ukraine-Samye-gromkie-snosy-i-skolko-ostalos-.html
15. glavred.info/zhizn/leninopad-v-harkove-opublikovany-foto-i-video-291414.html
16. tvrain.ru/articles/leninopad_kak_v_ukraine_snosili_pamjatniki_ilichu-375975/
17. twitter.com/hashtag/%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%BF%D0%B0%D0%B4
18. news.bigmir.net/ukraine/852460-Leninopad-Kak-ykrainci-raspravlyautsya-s-Ilichem
19. www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-26306737
20. /www.youtube.com/watch?v=wh3qXQVh7y0
21. www.youtube.com/watch?v=XL4LUrcKy5U

Editors notes: This article is not meant to imply the author's or RAGA's agreement with, or sympathy for, Soviet system or ideology. We merely argue for a civilized approach to monuments regardless of the political image they had during the period when they were erected. In particular, we deplore the use of Leninopad as a means to incite ethnic, national or racial hatred against any group of Ukrainian citizens

All statements in this report are an opinion of the author. Act at your own risk. Russia & America Goodwill Association (RAGA) is not responsible for the content of the article. Any views or opinions presented in this report are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RAGA. Any liability in respect this communication remain with the author.

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